Friday 29 Mar 2024
By
main news image

This article first appeared in Forum, The Edge Malaysia Weekly on October 31, 2022 - November 6, 2022

“Tikam belakang no good”, reads the graffiti on one of the concrete support pillars of the Putra Sri Petaling LRT line in Kampung Tengah near Putra Heights, where I live. The words in red are fading but the message is not easily forgotten.

The graffiti has been there for the last few years and could have been drawn in the aftermath of the Sheraton Move — I guess by a dissatisfied voter who wanted the message to be etched in the memory of others who were equally disappointed with that particular “backstabbing” manoeuvre in the corridors of power.

When the Sheraton Move happened in February 2020, it brought down the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government, which had beaten immense odds to win the 2018 general election (GE). For Malaysians, who experienced a change in government for the first time in over 60 years, the collapse of PH’s rule after only 22 months meant an abrupt stop to its reform agenda.

The Sheraton Move saw enough members of parliament (MPs) from the ruling coalition jumping to the opposition to create the Perikatan Nasional (PN) alliance, resulting in a change of government — from one that was seen as a more multiracial government representing Malaysia to a Malay/Muslim-centric one.

Many voters would have accepted the outcome of the 14th GE if the majority of them had indeed voted for a Malay-Muslim-dominant government. There was no question that democracy worked then, but to see a change of government because some MPs suddenly changed their allegiance midstream was something many voters could not stomach.

More disappointing was the fact that the move involved a few MPs that they thought represented the new Malaysia that the voters aspired to, one that would take the country in a new direction, gradually moving away from race- and religion-based politics. How could these seemingly “smart”, “responsible” and “principled” MPs be willing to change their stance undemocratically, solely in the name of Malay and Muslim unity?

And now as we enter the campaign period for the 15th GE, the Malay-Muslim unity that they supposedly “aspire” to achieve remains elusive. Politically, the Malay-Muslim blocs are more divided than ever. The “tikam belakang” Sheraton Move has not accomplished what it set out to achieve. It seems their political expediency and raison d’etre is not about Malay-Muslim unity after all, but more a case of politicians succumbing to greed for power and position.

On the night the Sheraton Move happened, I made my view known over WhatsApp to a few of those who were involved in executing the plan. The general feedback I got from them was that I did not understand what politics was all about, with them conveniently citing the bigger agenda of Malay survival in the name of “bangsa, agama dan negara”.

I am no politician, so I told them I was not in the business of providing justification. As a senior journalist who has covered politics, I am not a novice to past political manoeuvrings. I told the MPs that the bigger picture of “their” politics did not matter to the voters whose trust they had betrayed. They had disrespected the voters’ mandate, which was reflected in their choice of a democratically elected government. I reminded them that breaking the amanah entrusted to them was itself an unprincipled thing for a Muslim to do — not that I think they cared.

One replied, “If you know the insides of this (the Sheraton Move), you will not judge me like this.” Again, hiding behind the demi bangsa, agama dan negara rhetoric.

All this is water under the bridge now as we approach voting day on Nov 19. But unlike the fading graffiti in Kampung Tengah, the Sheraton Move should not be easily forgotten. In this coming election, the voters who are still angry with the MPs involved will have the choice of not voting for them, if they choose to contest.

While the Sheraton Move resulted in Malaysia having three prime ministers in four years — a situation some political analysts view as the cause of the current political instability that has even prompted the Umno-led Barisan Nasional coalition to claim that only it can provide a stable government — much progress on the political front has actually been achieved during this period of political uncertainty.

Yes, on the economic front, the instability is linked more to the uncertainties facing the world economy but on the political front, the outcome of the Sheraton Move has in fact contributed to the maturing process of local politics sans the street protests experienced by some other developing democracies. The government, parliament and state apparatus, which includes the civil service, judiciary, police and army, all continue to function well.

In his article that appeared in these Forum pages last week, our columnist Ooi Kee Beng made the observation that despite the Sheraton Move, “Malay voters are now confident enough to diversify their political voice [if I may add, away from Umno], federal power is not only no longer unassailable but has already changed hands thrice, an anti-hopping law is in place and there is now a lower voting age (both got the support of a bipartisan parliament), state elections now largely follow locally determined interests and not federal directives, great uncertainties [yes] but [now] possibilities in coalition building” — developments that we have not seen often enough in Malaysian politics.

Ooi added, “This may finally be the beginning of an era in which the Malaysian public leaves behind the reflexive cynicism born of fear and despair and instead chooses to decide who should represent their interests and not who should lord it over them.”

Ooi may be right but there are other political permutations that could emerge after GE15, including a more dominant Malay-Muslim presence in the government, where PAS could become stronger and Umno’s influence over the Malays may not recover but wane further. As for PN, they will know if they can really emerge as a viable ruling coalition in the long term or simply disappear from the political scene.

For PH, the question is, are there enough voters who are willing to give them a second chance to form the government.

What is definitely clearer is the emergence of Sarawak and Sabah as a formidable bloc with greater bargaining power that can decide the fate of mainstream politics in the country.

Or if common sense prevails, we may even see an effective bipartisan parliament that can pass more good laws — including those that require a two-thirds majority — that will benefit the nation.

Whatever political permutation emerges, voters must send the message that their votes are sacred and must not be taken for granted. The MPs are there to serve them and not the other way around. The rakyat should rule and not be ruled.

But for political change to happen, we must first play our part by going out and voting. To remain on the sidelines is simply a bad option.


Azam Aris is editor emeritus at The Edge

Save by subscribing to us for your print and/or digital copy.

P/S: The Edge is also available on Apple's AppStore and Androids' Google Play.

      Print
      Text Size
      Share