This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on December 27, 2021 - January 2, 2022

President of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, eighth prime minister and member of parliament for Pagoh

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin became the prime minister of Malaysia in March 2020 after a backdoor coup of sorts when his party pulled its support for the administration of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. By August 2021, he had been replaced by Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob when the tables were turned on him by Umno, giving him the distinction of being the country’s shortest serving prime minister.

His 17 months tenure was not easy as Malaysia went from being among the best in the world in Covid-19 management to one of the worst, as lapses in control resulted in thousands of deaths and a healthcare system almost at the point of collapse.

To prop up an economy ravaged by the pandemic, Muhyiddin launched billions of ringgit worth of stimulus packages and social assistance, a humongous accounting that will have to be borne by future generations given the parlous state of Malaysia’s finances.

Many Malaysians will also have to replenish their retirement savings as substantial numbers withdrew from the pension fund when the government relaxed restrictions.

Businesses, especially small and medium enterprises, as well as those in the tourism and hospitality industry were badly hit, many closing for good as they said that government assistance was only sufficient for the short term.

Notwithstanding the criticism heaped upon him, his administration pushed out vaccines to the people despite initial delays caused by wealthier nations buying up the stocks. With almost 80% of the population fully vaccinated, Malaysia has one of the highest vaccination rates in the world.

Muhyiddin’s short tenure was marked by the suspension of parliament in January under an emergency proclamation by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah.

The emergency rule was enforced until August when dissatisfaction among the government ranks put Muhyiddin’s parliamentary majority in question.

He stepped down in August, paving the way for Ismail Sabri — an Umno parliamentarian and Muhyiddin’s former senior minister for security — to take over. — By Kamarul Azhar

Prime minister, former senior minister for security, vice-president of Umno and member of parliament for Bera

Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob took the limelight when he became the prime minister who returned Umno to federal power, some three years after the party’s six-decade-long run as the lynchpin of the government was ended in the last general election in 2018.

As the third premier to be named in as many years, Ismail Sabri’s rise indicates the heightened political instability in the country since the 14th general election. His predecessor, Bersatu president Tan Sri ­Muhyiddin Yassin, resigned after 17 months in office when Umno withdrew its support for his administration.

Doubts about the strength of Ismail Sabri’s backing in parliament abated following the signing of a confidence and supply agreement with the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition in September. In return for its support for the government’s budget and supply bills, PH secured commitments for the implementation of reforms, including introducing laws limiting the prime minister’s term and against party hopping, along with a rollout of the law lowering the voting age to 18 years.

Ismail Sabri is the first premier who is not the president of his party, as Umno copes with the fallout of corruption cases against its top leaders. Party president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi is seeking to clear his name of a raft of graft charges and its former president Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s corruption case involving 1Malaysia Development Bhd is moving up the appeals process. Umno deputy chief Datuk Seri Mohamad Hassan is not a member of parliament.

Although the memorandum of understanding with PH includes a pledge that the government will not call for a general election before the end of July next year, the risk of the agreement being derailed remains ever present. In November, PH leaders raised that possibility when the Cabinet received a request from Najib for a house and land worth RM100 million. The crisis was averted when the former premier dropped the bid following an outcry. — By Rash Behari Bhattacharjee

Chief minister of Sarawak and president of Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu

Earlier this month, Sarawak Chief Minister Tan Sri Abang Johari Openg led his party Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) to a landslide victory in the state election, grabbing 76 out of the 82 seats.

The resounding win could make him a kingmaker in the next general election, which could be held as early as the middle of next year.

GPS bettered its 72 seats in 2016, despite — or perhaps because of — the emergence of new parties, Parti Sarawak Bersatu and Parti Bumi Kenyalang, which fielded about 70 contestants each but failed to make any dent in Abang Johari and GPS’s armour. Similarly, the Democratic Action Party and Parti Keadilan Rakyat were left red-faced, having been thrashed by Abang Johari and GPS.

With Sarawak having 31 of the 222 parliamentary seats, Abang Johari and GPS will be in a strong position to dictate terms with current premier, Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob. Ismail Sabri is the first prime minister who is not a political party president — he is vice-president of Umno, behind party president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi in terms of hierarchy — and leads a fragmented Barisan Nasional alliance with Perikatan Nasional, and is holding onto power with a razor-thin majority.

An example of Abang Johari and GPS’s bargaining power can be seen in the forming of state-owned oil and gas exploration company Petroleum Sarawak Bhd (Petros) in August 2017. In July 2018, Petros and Sarawak commenced regulating the state’s own upstream oil and gas activities under the Sarawak Oil Mining Ordinance 1958, which national oil company Petroliam Nasional Bhd initially sought legal recourse against but eventually caved in.

If Sarawak proves to be a much needed “safe deposit” state for Ismail Sabri, he will likely have to give in to more demands from Abang Johari. — By Jose Barrock

Minister of transport, president of the Malaysian Chinese Association and member of parliament for Ayer Hitam

Transport Minister Datuk Seri Wee Ka Siong came under immense fire from tech giants Facebook, Microsoft, Amazon and Google after he exercised his powers under Section 65U of the Merchant Shipping Ordinance 1952, which basically revoked an exemption under the cabotage policy for submarine cable repair vessels.

In essence, Wee reversed a decision by former transport minister Anthony Loke Siew Fook, who had approved an exemption for submarine cable repair vessels in March 2019 after complaints of delays in the repair of undersea cables by the tech giants.

Even though the tech giants have threatened to withdraw their investments in Malaysia, Wee has thus far stood his ground that the cabotage policy on submarine cable repair ships stays, mostly on the basis of digital sovereignty.

In one conversation with The Edge, Wee had said, “This is the first time I have ever heard that investors do not want availability of local expertise to provide support and services for their investment … If an undersea cable is cut and requires immediate attention, don’t you think a local presence is better than relying on foreign vessels as a first choice?” — suggesting that there could be more than meets the eye in the standoff between him and the tech giants.

Other than the cabotage policy, Wee could also be in the news next year as the proposed multibillion-ringgit Kuala Lumpur-Singapore High Speed Rail (HSR) project will now be managed by the Ministry of Transport, which is taking over the controversial project from the Prime Minister’s Department.

HSR plans gained momentum in April 2018 after a consortium of Malaysian Resources Corp Bhd and Gamuda Bhd were awarded the contract to build the northern portion of the HSR, and a consortium of Syarikat Pembenaan Yeoh Tiong Lay Sdn Bhd and TH Properties Sdn Bhd bagged the southern part. However, talks were terminated after the bilateral agreement lapsed on Dec 31, 2020.

Will the HSR project be revived next year, and will Wee hold firm on the existing cabotage policy? — By Jose Barrock

Supreme council member of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia and minister of international trade and industry

Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali has proved adept at keeping his senior position, notwithstanding the political changes and crises in the country. Over the last three years, he has held a Cabinet position — albeit under three different prime ministers.

Currently the minister of international trade and industry, he has had to weather numerous challenges this year. Amid falling foreign direct investment, he was also heavily criticised during the peak of the Covid-19 crisis for allowing certain industries to operate, a latitude that critics contended had accelerated infections.

Critics also cried double standards after a Turkish tour operator posted on Instagram that he had purportedly guided for Azmin and his family when he was in the country in June — at a time when Malaysia was under lockdown and its residents were not even allowed to travel interstate.

A polarising figure following his defection from the Pakatan Harapan coalition government in 2020, Azmin’s political star appears undimmed, despite a number of controversies.

But a challenge lies ahead. Ten voters in his Gombak parliamentary constituency have brought a case against him for misrepresentation during campaigning for the 14th general election. Azmin has failed to quash the application at the High Court and, as the case will proceed, some are questioning if he will still be able to retain his seat come the next election. — By Kamarul Azhar

Founders of Undi18

US graduates Qyira Yusri and Tharma Pillai could have sought greener pastures abroad, but they chose to stay back and make a difference.

The duo founded Undi18, a Malaysian youth movement that successfully advocated for the amendment of Article 119(1) of the Federal Constitution to reduce the minimum voting age in Malaysia from 21 to 18 years old.

With the constitutional amendment coming into effect from Dec 15, a total of 5.8 million Malaysians who were not able to vote can now exercise their fundamental rights at the ballot box.

The long-awaited implementation of the Undi18 bill and Calon 18, which lowers the minimum age of election candidates from 21 to 18 years old, as well as automatic voter registration for Malaysians above the age of 18 are the fruits of five years of hard work by the movement, in collaboration with various civil society organisations, government bodies and politicians such as Muar member of parliament Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman.

Undi18 has seen its share of setbacks. For one, it could not make it in time for the recently held Sarawak state election, as the Sarawak polls only involved registered voters listed in the updated electoral list as at Nov 2.

Nevertheless, the Kuching High Court has ordered the Election Commission and the federal government to implement Undi18 by Dec 31, ahead of the 15th general election (GE15), which is expected to be called in the second half of 2022.

Whether Undi18 is a game changer for GE15 and future elections to come is yet to be seen.

But what cannot be denied is the fact that Undi18 is a testament to youth empowerment, underscoring how against the odds, a student movement initiative managed to bring about a constitutional change. — By Supriya Surendran

Deputy president of Umno

Datuk Seri Mohamad Hassan, better known as Tok Mat, is deputy president of Umno and deputy chairman of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. He is favoured by those looking for someone with sound corporate experience and no baggage to lead the country.

The former chief minister of Negeri Sembilan was managing director of automotive company Cycle & Carriage Bintang Bhd from 1994 to 2004. He was also chairman of Kumpulan Fima Bhd for about a year from early 2003 and has commercial and merchant banking experience.

Unlike many of the existing Umno leaders, the Rantau state assemblyman is seen to be without any corruption or other scandals weighing him down, making him stand out among the current crop of leaders.

Tok Mat’s name was bandied about as a possible finance minister in August before premier Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s Cabinet line-up was announced but he would have had to be appointed a senator to enable him to take on such a role.

Other than his corporate experience, he comes across as a more moderate and progressive leader, and is often paired up with another potential leader from Negeri Sembilan — Health Minister and Rembau member of parliament Khairy Jamaluddin.

In July this year, embattled Umno president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi appointed Tok Mat as the party’s election director, and he successfully steered Barisan Nasional to win 21 out of 28 seats in the Melaka state election in November.

Given the scarcity of able political leaders, Tok Mat stands out as a strong candidate to lead or at least to play a prominent role in leading the country out of the current political and economic morass.

Will Tok Mat make a move in 2022 and take on a more prominent role? — By Jose Barrock

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