This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on December 30, 2019 - January 5, 2020

THERE is never a dull day in Malaysian politics, and this has never been truer in the last decade with the coming together of former foes and the parting of ways between comrades.

In 2015, the Pakatan Rakyat coalition - formed in 2008 after the watershed 12th general election that saw Barisan Nasional lose its two-thirds majority in parliament - broke up. The coalition comprising Parti Keadilan Rakyat, DAP and PAS split in June 2015, when the PAS assembly voted to sever ties with the DAP. Following this, a moderate faction in PAS, led by former deputy president Mohamad Sabu, broke away from the party to form Parti Amanah Negara.

For many who oppose Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's brand of politics, the unthinkable happened when he quit Umno, started Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia and joined the Pakatan Harapan coalition, which had replaced Pakatan Rakyat.

On March 4, 2016, Mahathir and 57 other politicians from various parties, including Lim Kit Siang, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, former MCA president Tun Ling Liong Sik, Bersih chairman Maria Chin Abdullah and Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasen, joined together to demand the resignation of Datuk Seri Najib Razak as prime minister. Even political foes Mahathir and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim decided to bury the hatchet for the sake of the country. Just days before polling day in 2018, a staunch BN supporter and former finance minister Tun Daim Zainuddin joined in the campaigning for PH.

On the other side of the battlefield, Najib and his advisers seemed oblivious to the rakyat's simmering anger. His wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor's love for luxurious bags and jewellery and her extravagant shopping trips had become fodder for newspapers, not just in Malaysia but abroad as well.

The couple's links to the flamboyant party boy and close friend of Rosmah's son Riza Aziz, Low Taek Jho, got people talking. Many wondered about Low's source of wealth despite his claims it was from his family.

Many questions about their relationship are now being addressed in the courts with Najib, Rosmah and Riza standing trial for a laundry list of charges, from abuse of power and corruption to money laundering. Low, however, has managed to give the authorities the slip and remains at large. - By Jenny Ng

The handshake that changed the government

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim

On Sept 5, 2016, it happened. It was the titanic handshake of the decade that shook the fundamentals of Malaysian politics and eventually on May 9, 2018, sank the Umno-led Barisan Nasional in its first defeat in a general election since the nation gained independence in 1957.

Political nemesis for 18 years, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim set aside their differences, which many Malaysians thought were irreconcilable. That show of support by Mahathir at a court appearance by Anwar, who was jailed following a sodomy conviction - the same charge Mahathir used to sack him as deputy prime minister in 1998 - paved the way for a united opposition to fight against what many Malaysians saw as a kleptocratic BN government.

The two spent most of their time in the last decade differently. In retirement, Mahathir remained a vocal critic of the government, notably one that was led by Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, but the rise of Datuk Seri Najib Razak to prime minister in 2009 tempered his criticism of the government. This was expected as Mahathir favoured Najib over Abdullah and had high hopes the former could take Malaysia to greater economic heights.

Even when Najib fared worse than Abdullah during the 2013 general election (GE13) when the Umno-led BN again lost the two-thirds majority in parliament, Mahathir stood by Najib. He blamed the loss of popular votes on the Chinese voters' "tsunami" that was aided by power-crazy opposition Malays led by Anwar.

As for Anwar, while he managed to strengthen the opposition, he spent most of his time in the courts and in jail. He was found not guilty of sodomy on Jan 9, 2012, but the Court of Appeal overturned the acquittal and in Feb 10, 2015, the federal court reaffirmed the conviction and sentence of five years' jail. Just like the first incarceration - when the federal court overturned his sodomy conviction in Sept 3, 2004 - he said he was a victim of a political conspiracy and trumped-up charges.

While Anwar was languishing in prison, Mahathir began to have second thoughts about Najib's ability to manage the country - the way Mahathir wanted it to be - and decided to step up his criticism of the prime minister. By April 2015, Mahathir was saying that Malaysians did not trust Najib any longer, even predicting that Umno and BN would lose the general election if he remained in power. A year later, Mahathir quit Umno for good, saying, "Umno is no longer the Umno (of old) but a party dedicated to supporting Najib."

Using the new media effectively, Mahathir continued his attacks on Najib and Umno through his Chedet blog, raising issues such as the unresolved murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu, the high cost of living that was impacting many citizens, lopsided infrastructure deals with companies from China, rampant corruption in Umno and the government, the lavish spending of Najib's wife and of course the 1Malaysia Development Bhd financial scandal.

But Umno felt it was invincible, an unsinkable political ship that still had the support of the majority of the rakyat, particularly the Malays. Both Mahathir and Anwar knew that to pierce Umno's unsinkable ship they needed each other to cooperate.

Anwar and the Pakatan Rakyat opposition had already denied BN a two-thirds majority in GE12 and GE13 but still fell short of the Malay support. PR still needed a 5% to 10% swing of Malay votes to tilt the balance of power.

This was where Mahathir and his new Malay-based party Bersatu delivered.

Umno's counter strategy to prevent the Malay votes from going to the new coalition, Pakatan Harapan, by encouraging PAS to stand in three-cornered fights in Malay-majority seats backfired badly as PAS managed to secure enough votes to allow PH to win instead and not BN.

As PH enters the new decade as the ruling coalition, many Malaysians are wondering whether the handshake between Mahathir and Anwar is firm enough to ensure that the coalition can withstand what looks like a right wing Malay-Muslim/Umno-PAS onslaught in the next general election, which is due by 2023. It seems much will depend on the sincerity of Mahathir and Anwar in respecting the smooth transition of power, as agreed upon, when both men joined hands to topple the Umno-led BN. - By Azam Aris

When cash could no longer buy support

Datuk Seri Najib Razak

In domestic politics, no one has a stronger political commodity than Najib who carries the surname of Razak - the country's much-revered and much-loved second prime minister. The Razak name carries a lot of political weight and is still respected among the Malays, including those living in the heartland. In fact, it helped to speed up Najib's political ascent.

Najib, the eldest son of Razak, had always had everything politics on a silver spoon. In 1976, at the age of 23, he became a member of parliament when he won unopposed in Pekan, the seat of his late father. At the age of 25, he became the deputy minister of energy, telecommunications and post and at 29, Pahang's menteri besar. He served in the federal government in various capacities, including a long stint as defence minister. His rise was almost always unchallenged, and Najib was prime minister for most of the last decade.

He started well. Early in his premiership, on March 30, 2010, he introduced a national transformation programme that included a new economic model (NEM) aimed at transforming Malaysia into a high-income nation with a sustainable and inclusive economy. The NEM was to shift affirmative action from ethnically based to needs-based.

Along with this, he promoted the 1Malaysia concept as the thrust of his administration. Here, the emphasis was pluralism, to remove racial barriers and inculcate the value of acceptance among its multiracial and multi-religious people. After the Umno-led Barisan Nasional government lost its two-thirds majority in the 2008 general election (GE12), the objective of Najib's 1Malaysia concept and its string of other MY and 1 programmes was to win back the Chinese and urban votes. He felt then that the Malay vote bank was fully secure.

But the shock of GE13 in 2013, when Chinese and urban voters deserted him, made him reverse many of his non-racial-centric policies. Having had it easy so far in politics, Najib now felt insecure and demanded loyalty from his close Umno and BN circles. He believed loyalty and support could be bought with his "cash is king" carrot. This irked Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

And when it came to cash is king, there was none bigger that the 1MDB cobweb that turned into one of the world's largest financial scams initiated by a leader in power.

Najib literally bought his support within Umno and, despite a mutiny mounted by his deputy Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin who was later sacked, he continued to woo the rakyat with his cash is king game plan. Civil servants' salaries were increased, subsidies aplenty were handed out and cash payouts to households continued. This helped to ease the burden of the lower and middle-income groups but the lavish family lifestyle, notably of the wife, was detested by many. The rakyat could not accept the multimillion-ringgit wedding, stories of expensive watches, jewellery and Hermès handbags when life was tough for many.

Cash, though, Najib still had in large quantities but it was no longer able to buy the much-needed support. When the Umno-led BN lost GE14, police seized items worth RM1.1 billion, including RM116.7 million cash, in a swoop of apartments linked to him. This year, the many of Najib's 1MDB-related trials began and the courts is where he is expected to spend most of his time - at least in the first half of the next decade. - By Azam Aris

Epitome of the indefatigable politician

Lim Kit Siang

The DAP stalwart had said in many interviews that he did not think a change in government was possible, even on the morning of the 14th general election. Calling it a miracle, Lim, who was 77 then, said it was a dream come true for him and many of his generation.

The long-time opposition politician also said it was a miracle that the four parties - Amanah, Bersatu, DAP and Keadilan - in the Pakatan Harapan coalition were able to work together for 14 months to bring about change.

Lim, who continues to issue statements almost on a daily basis, wrote in 2018 - 100 days before polling day - that GE14 was the only opportunity for Malaysians to "save" Malaysia.

The longest-serving opposition leader in the country, Lim was steadfast in his convictions, having been in the ring since the 1960s and served as opposition leader for a total of 28 years, from 1975 to 1999, and then from 2004 to 2008.

Despite almost a lifetime of being on the losing side, Lim showed his mettle by declining any government position in the new Malaysia.

Indeed, the last decade may be seen as the apex of Lim's political career.

In the 2013 general election, he contested and won the Gelang Patah seat, upsetting Umno heavyweight and former Johor menteri besar (1995 to 2013) Tan Sri Abdul Ghani Othman. He led the charge in an Umno and BN stronghold and was willing to retire from politics if he lost.

Then, three years later, on March 4, 2016, Lim and longtime political foe Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, along with 56 other politicians, put their past enmity behind them to sign the "Deklarasi Rakyat", or citizen's declaration, with the chief objective of peacefully removing Datuk Seri Najib Razak from his post as prime minister.

In GE14, Lim contested and won Iskandar Puteri, trouncing his opponent Jason Teoh Siew Hock from MCA with a 44,864 majority.

"Lim never misses a chance to hold his political opponents to account, calling them out for conflicts of interest, extremist views, misgovernance or whatever else warrants a principled response," says an observer.

For his defiance of the political establishment, Lim was detained twice under the Internal Security Act, most famously under Ops Lallang during Mahathir's first administration in 1987.

"Lim has been branded as a Chinese chauvinist, communist sympathiser, puppet master, anti-Islamist and any number of unsavoury epithets. But to his diehard supporters, he is the battle-tested sentinel of national interests and the answer to a runaway government that sold out to its cronies," the observer adds.

Now, almost two years on, with an impatient electorate and cracks appearing in the PH coalition, Lim may need another miracle to see this government through the next election. - By Jenny Ng

Her excesses helped destroy her husband's rule

Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor

It would not be an understatement to say  Rosmah is to date Malaysia's most controversial spouse of a prime minister.

In the early days of her husband's administration, Malaysians learnt a new acronym - FLOM, or the First Lady of Malaysia. On April 16, 2010, a two-page advertisement in The New York Times welcomed FLOM to New York and congratulated her on being conferred the little-known International Peace and Harmony Award.

Many questioned whether the prime minister's wife was entitled to the title because, under a constitutional monarchy, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is the head of state.

Then it emerged that a division dedicated to FLOM had been created within the Prime Minister's Office, along with her own website and staff, drawing criticism from the opposition and public.

By then, rumours of Rosmah's extravagant shopping habit and penchant for interfering in government matters had surfaced.

Little did Malaysians know then that the worst was yet to come.

Who could forget the glittering wedding of Najib and Rosmah's daughter Nooryana Najwa to Kazakhstan national Daniyar Kessibayev in late 2015? Pictures of the lavish affair were widely shared on social media.

Then Rosmah's complaint in early 2015 of her RM1,200 a month hairdressing bill irked Malaysians struggling with the rising cost of living following the imposition of the 6% Goods and Services Tax the year before.

The public was given an account of her excesses soon after the change in government, when the police seized luxury bags, jewellery, watches and cash from residences linked to Najib. The goods were allegedly bought using funds from 1Malaysia Development Bhd.

Today, we know that Rosmah has been charged with 17 counts of money laundering and two counts of bribery.

To what extent did she play a role in the downfall of the BN government?

A Wall Street Journal report wrote that according to those close to Rosmah, her "pursuit of the trappings of wealth played a crucial part" in pushing her husband Najib's administration deeper into graft, ultimately leading to the government's downfall on May 9, 2018. - By Jenny Ng

The missing puppet master

Low Taek Jho or Jho Low

Low Taek Jho, or Jho Low as he is better known, turned 38 in early November. It is unlikely that there was a major celebration or the popping of dozens of Louis Roederer Cristal champagne bottles, which is how he had celebrated in the past.
vestment projects and joint ventures. But the money is said to have been diverted to offshore bank accounts and shell companies, some of which were linked to Low. He utilised the funds largely to acquire luxury assets, real estate, a private jet, a super yacht, artworks by Pablo Picasso and Claude Monet and jewellery, among other things.

The funds were also utilised to finance a couple of Hollywood films, including The Wolf of Wall Street, which was produced by Red Granite, a company co-founded by Riza Aziz, Najib’s stepson and a close associate of Low’s.

Low is wanted in at least six countries, including Malaysia, as money laundering, financial mismanagement and criminal investigations unearthed his complex scams. Nevertheless, the issues highlighted and probed by the authorities are still being deliberated in the courts, sans Low.

In the US, Low came to a settlement with the authorities, agreeing to give up nearly US$1 billion in assets but without any admission of guilt.

In Malaysia, Najib’s defence has largely hinged on his not knowing about Low’s financial chicaneries. In a sworn statement read out in court, Najib made an attempt to put the blame on  Low, saying that the latter was already an adviser to the Terengganu Investment Authority, 1MDB’s predecessor, indicating that he had a hand in the running of 1MDB.

Low has made numerous public statements via a spokesman, claiming innocence at every opportunity.

Will Low ever be caught and brought to court in Malaysia, and if that happens, what will he reveal and how detrimental will it be to Najib? — By Jose Barrock

Still carrying a lot of clout

Tun Daim Zainuddin

While he does not hold any official position in the government, the 81-year-old is said to still have considerable clout over major decisions in the country. Some say as a close associate of Prime Minister Tun Mahathir Mohamad, he has gained the trust of the leader, from which fact he derives his strength. Others, however, say the relationship between the two has been strained lately but this remained a matter of conjecture at press time.

If it is true that their relationship is tense, this would not be the first time such a rumour has surfaced. Daim served as finance minister from 1984 to 1991, after which he resigned, supposedly due to a tiff with Mahathir.

Nevertheless, those who know him say Daim’s strength lies in his business acumen, intelligence and intensity and not in his familiarity with the premier.

Daim set up ICB Financial Group Holdings Ltd, a banking outfit that was eventually listed on the Alternative Investment Market of the London Stock Exchange in 2007 and which operates in many parts of Africa and Eastern Europe. However, it was privatised in 2012 and then sold on a piecemeal basis.

In Malaysia Baru, however, things are different and Daim is not in a position of power other than being the chairman of the Council of Eminent Persons.

Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that Daim’s brother-in-law, Muhammed Abdul Khalid, is the economic adviser to Mahathir and is said to have been instrumental in many of the key appointments to high positions in the country.

Although no real link is visible, companies linked to Daim include developer Plenitude Bhd and Alliance Bank Bhd, in which he is said to have held a stake until 2016 at least.

However, what is most interesting is how Daim will fare post the Mahathir era as he is known to have a lukewarm relationship with the prime minister in waiting, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. — By Jose Barrock

Fighting abuse with pen and paper

Zulkiflee SM Anwar Ulhaque

Zulkiflee, or Zunar as he is better known, has left an inimitable mark on the Malaysian canvas with his special brand of political satire. In May 2016, he received the internationally acclaimed Cartooning for Peace award in Geneva.

A year earlier, he was facing up to 43 years in prison after being charged under the Sedition Act for criticising the Barisan Nasional government. His main targets were Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor. The charges were dropped when the BN government was toppled in the 14th general election last year.

With the change in government, Zunar is free to do his thing. His works are not banned anymore. The travel ban has been lifted. He does not live under the constant threat of being arrested anymore.

Now that the government he fought hard against is no more in power, who is at the receiving end of Zunar’s barbed wit?

Zunar has always said that he fights abuse of power, corruption and the misdeeds of the powers that be. He has fashioned himself as a watchdog through his cartoons, no matter who the government might be.

Zunar made his mark during the Reformasi era, which was triggered by the arrest of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Back then, Zunar’s main target was Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Now he is back to attacking Mahathir for what he sees as the prime minister’s reluctance to hand over the reins. — By Mohsin Abdullah

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