This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on May 14, 2018 - May 20, 2018

Malaysians opted for change last Wednesday in what can only be described as a watershed general election that saw the Barisan Nasional coalition ousted after more than half a century of checkered rule. The Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition that took over power did so on the back of high expectations by the people who had become increasingly exasperated.

The people’s frustration derived from two interrelated fronts. The first concerns the massive abuses of incumbency to entrench the ruling coalition’s grip on power, as well as the blatant misuse of public and private resources to enrich many related parties. Increasingly stringent laws that choked fundamental freedoms were summarily passed and draconian rules implemented to crack down on any dissent. Case after case of huge public resources being transformed into private assets, both inside and outside the country, were exposed. And instead of the wrongdoers being punished, those who revealed the abuses were persecuted, using the full force of incumbent advantage.

The second front concerns socioeconomic issues. People around the country, especially the lower-middle income group, found their meagre income further stifled by the rising cost of living, allegedly resulting from the much hated Goods and Services Tax (GST). Despite official claims of spectacular economic growth,people are struggling just to put food on the table, not to mention finding a permanent roof over their heads.

And so, people have very high expectations of PH. The new ruling coalition must satisfy the yearning of the new, freedom-loving generation who are well versed with modern communications and are thus much more exposed to the true meaning of a functioning democracy. Draconian laws, such as the Anti-Fake News Act that was rushed through parliament, must be summarily revoked. The various communities must be trusted to be mature and iron out their vast differences.

But more importantly, trust and confidence must be restored to governmental institutions that have undergone many self-serving changes over the years to entrench the ruling party and to conceal scandals as well as the government’s handling of the economy. This will draw more foreign direct investment and boost the business community, especially the small and medium enterprises, that will no longer be stifled by the GST as well as the red tape that is perceived as mere excuses for corrupt practices.

For this urgently needed “restoration”, Malaysian voters have given PH a large mandate. Not only has the coalition clinched victory at the federal level with a comfortable margin, but it has also taken the BN strongholds of Johor, Melaka and Negri Sembilan, with Kedah, Perak and Sabah in sight because of the hung state assemblies. Sabah and Sarawak, which together contribute one quarter of parliamentary seats, are no longer “safe deposit” states for BN, which is left with the state governments of Pahang and Perlis in the peninsula, and of Sarawak, which held its state elections two years ago. Meanwhile, in Sabah, the situation is still shaky because no party has an outright majority.

In the region, Malaysia is not unique in this sort of “reluctant” democratic transition of power from an entrenched “kleptocracy” to, hopefully, a more accountable administration. Those of us with longer memories may recall the People’s Power movement in the Philippines that ousted the corrupt Marcos regime in 1986 and ushered in democratic elections. Twelve years later, President Suharto of Indonesia — humiliated after having to borrow from international financial institutions because of the Asian financial crisis — stepped down after more than three decades of strongman rule, which reportedly displeased our new (and former) prime minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad. In the case of Myanmar, the military ceded power voluntarily — but only partially — to a civilian government.

And of course, there is the counter example of Cambodia, which has regressed to autocracy in recent years after enjoying a brief democratic spring. All these regional examples serve as real-life lessons to remind us that democracy has to be assiduously earned and diligently preserved. Our recent hard-fought experience is no exception.

In the immediate aftermath of GE14, some perceived a similar “reluctance” during the relatively brief transition of power. The Election Commission was disappointingly slow in announcing the results and there were allegations of returning officers refusing to sign Form 14 to confirm the vote count.

In his concession speech, outgoing prime minister Najib Razak said although the BN did not achieve a parliamentary majority, no other party did as well. Although this is technically true, the provisions in our Constitution as well Westminster parliamentary traditions dictate that partisanship is not necessarily required in forming a government. As long as an elected representative commands the confidence of the majority of the lower house, even in a personal capacity, he can still be appointed the prime minister.

All these, as well as Dr Mahathir being sworn in as prime minister only at 9.30pm last Thursday, fuelled talk of a reluctant transition of power.

However, there are good political awareness lessons to be learnt from this.

Indeed, the ground-shaking outcome of this general election, which sets it apart from all others since the formation of the nation, is not about the triumph of good over evil, for these forces are found everywhere. Rather, it is the psychological boost that the ordinary folk feel deep in their hearts and minds, that each and every vote counts at the end of the day, that it is ultimately possible to topple a much-despised ruling party in a peaceful and orderly manner. Human psychology works in such mysterious ways that if you attempt to perform a seemingly daunting task, and succeed, you will be encouraged to do so again and again. And that is the ultimate check and balance in a true democracy.

Dr Oh Ei Sun advises policy institutes in Malaysia and abroad. He was political secretary to the prime minister from 2009 to 2011.

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